Peter Blasser makes nice synths, some of which are “psychogeographic maps” showing the relationship between the urban, suburban and wilderness. He calls himself Petroleum Bottle because we are just bottles of oil and he is irritated that his wooden synth parts have been cut with a chainsaw.
Visiting Turku in preparation of the WAMbience/NPTurku Teknomuskari gig. Paid my respect at the site where the stabbings took place.
Read a speech written by Päivi as “a man with a moustache which looks like the moustache of Kyösti Kallio” at the RaivioBumann (Raivio & Daniel Bumann) Hiljainen vieras / Silent Guest event. The performance was a part of Patsastellaan: Parties for Public Sculpture series organized by James Prevett (Taideyliopisto). The role of being just an actor/speaker felt nice.. I wasn’t as nervous as when I perform my own material.
Bought a Bastl Dude mixer for the upcoming Childrens Techno workshop (Teknomuskari) in Turku (NPTurku covers the expenses!). The mixer can also be used in Brussels next month. Made a website for our upcoming show wheredoyouwanttogofromhere.com. The Brussel gig is causing a lot of stress.. The recent attacks in Barcelona and Turku are adding to the mix. Working with horses is stressful, working with people is stressful and working in public spaces is stressful. To top it off, we are drafting strong arguments concerning the changing nature of public space (in relation to recent attacks) and framing climate change as a weaponized method of colonial dominance.
The booklist we’ve selected as our framework requires intensive learning. We are studying classics like Foucault, new material from Butler, new materialism/anthropocene inspired texts, the history of horses in European cities, re-reading Hribal and Eyal Weizman’s theories concerning the Arab Spring (The Roundabout Revolutions, Critical Spatial Practice 6, 2015). Majority of the text deal with infrastructure and how urban structures serve as authors of the modern self-regulating subjectivity. The texts (even the history of the horses) are centered around the concept of public assembly and examining how the concept of “the people” is build and used.
I guess part of the stress is caused by the indoctrination of these texts. Changing is stressful.. And I guess developing as an artist requires constant change.
Ilari & Tuomas Kaila bashing Finland on Jacobini mag. Finland, We Hardly Knew Ye (2017)
Nightmares Must Be Told (2017) Jessie Kinding.
These comfort stations and designated prostitution districts grew into systems of state-regulated prostitution and eventually the Korean gijichon, or camptown, which still sits next to every US military base in Korea. This overlapping history created an unequal, sexualized, and often violent landscape for both Korean and Japanese women during the Korean War and beyond.
The history of military sexual slavery shows how sexual violence is intrinsic to state conflict and state building, evidence that women’s bodies become battlegrounds for the devastation of war as well as the patriotism of postwar reconstruction.
A detailed and well-written history of condominiums (asunto-osakeyhtiö) in Finland: Kansan osake. Suomalaisen asunto-osakeyhtiön vaiheet (2017). A great resource for understanding the conditions of urbanization and the development of the middle-class. The Finnish condominium legislation enabled tilattomat (the estateless), loiset (the parasites) and itselliset (the self-makers), meaning groups of the Finnish population who didn’t own any property (also mäkitupalaiset and torpparit) to establish themselves in developing cities.
The Finnish condominium system differs from many modern countries as the rights of the condominium shareholders have been defined by laws passed in the 20ties and even earlier! (In comparison similar laws were been passed France late 60ties) In the Finnish system shareholders don’t own their houses (the rooms they live in), they own a share of the condominium and all shareholders have a legally defined collective responsibility to upkeep the property. In some countries homeowners’ associations manifest this collective will but joining the association is not always mandatory. This is why it’s common that occupants fund their personal renovations and that the public spaces in the building are left unmaintained. Associations are also weaker legal entities then joint-stock companies.
In 1901 only 25% of the Finnish population in the countryside (2,6mil.) owned any sort of property and only 15% lived in cities. These statistics are staggering compared to Sweden 25% or Denmark 40% (of the population living in cities). In 1880 there were 400 000 (in 1910, 700 000) members of the population defined as loiset (parasites)! In Finland urbanization offered a structure to escape from the oppression of landowners or more specifically from the grip of the talonpojat (direct translation: Sons of the House) class. 1873 in Helsinki 200 occupants were found to be homeless (100 where children). Until 1930 50% of the population got their income from farming related work.
Finnish condominiums where organized as joint-stock companies, which could apply for loans (some intended for social housing) from the government to build apartments for their shareholders. In the best examples, to get a loan each participant invested their own (borrowed) capital and their personal labor power for the venture. Personal labor power (as an investment) was talked of as a “Shoulderbank” (Hartiapankki). Socialist of the time felt that this arrangement was educational and helped the developing working class to learn how to manage their assets. The arrangement came about as a result of the housing crisis (caused by the modernization of work). People moving to the cities had to form their own companies and carry risk collectively because Finland didn’t have enough capitalist interested in building rental flats.
Also the city could serve as an investor in which case occupants would pay off the city’s investment through the monthly condominium-payment (yhtiövastike). Unfortunately the system has been misused by speculators from the beginning (Most discussed in the case of Hitas houses, one of which I grew in. Sidenote: Haka was also an interesting effort). Majority of condominiums where built to be rented or sold. In time laws were passed which made speculation more difficult.
As a result WWII bombings and the loss of land (10% of houses were in cities which the Soviet Union claimed) small houses (rintamamiestalot) became popular. Rintamamiestalot were built from wood because people couldn’t afford concrete. At times over 1500 people in Helsinki were living in bomb-shelters and 11% of the population didn’t have a permanent homes (400 000 refugees arrived from areas the Soviet Union claimed). Lex Raatikainen gave the state the right to claim land to build houses (from cities) and facilitated the development a social housing program for people touched by the war. Even people who didn’t have any assets were granted loans backed by the state.
The Arava-loan system provided very long loan payment times for condominium building projects. People from upper-middle classes misused the system and gained access to new modernly equipped Arava funded homes (luckily this opened their old homes for the markets). Their behavior was tolerated because building projects didn’t have enough capital to begin with. Government run institutions (such as Alko) helped their employees to find homes condominiums.
The housing crisis continued through 60ties as capital was needed for the rapid industrialization. Various tax schemes were advised to boost the development of rental flats. Between 1960-75 a million people moved to cities and suburbs were constructed (over 700 000 houses were built – majority of which were condominiums). Concrete became a popular material and building methods were modelled after car-assembly lines. The dimensions of construction tools and lifters defined the distances between apartment blocks. The quality of building was poor but people didn’t complain. In 1965 500 000 Finns didn’t have indoor plumbing (45 000 of them lived in Helsinki). As a result of the Finnish condominium system, social life in new developing suburbs was relatively peaceful (tentants were managed by their landlords and booted if there were complaints).
The book also explains why Espoo is so fucked up (p. 134-136) and details the history of Vuosaari as the “poormans Tapiola” due to it’s funding being gathered by a social housing association. Occupants of the Vuosaari blockhouses aided in the building as a part of the arrangement. In some cases up to 50% of the costs were covered by volunteer work (Hartiapankki rules!). After the 60ties people were actively encouraged to save money and to buy homes condominiums. Arava organization also promoted the idea of developing housing-cooperatives.. But they proved to be problematic as occupants who moved out had to sell their share with a fixed price (The Finnish condominium system actually resembles the Swedish housing-cooperative model, but is more dependent on capital).
In the dawn of of the 70ties people moving into the city started to favor small private houses (In 1988 70% of all new houses where private). Flats which were built to be rented were sold as their prices begun to rise late 70ties. In the late 80ties people were forced to buy flats because there were not enough rooms for rent! Loan were provided through international banks. The recession (1991-93) was the hardest in any European country after the war. People living in condominiums were relatively protected, they were allowed to only pay the interest of their mortgages.
A new crisis emerged as people realize that the poorly build blockhouses had to be renovated at some point. (In the 80ties building companies were not interested in it!) The reputation of the suburbs declined in the 90ties and the occupants (now old pensioners) and couldn’t afford massive renovations. The government supported renovations but only occupants from well-off neighborhoods managed to benefit from the support. Condominium restoration projects are difficult to arrange as they are dependent on a consensus between stakeholders.
In 2009 Finnish condominium legislation was separated from general stock-company legislation and new regulations were passed concerning the right of stakeholders. According to the new law the condominium is collectively responsible for the exteriors of the house (window frames, doors etc.) and some “basic elements” indoors (toilet seats, water taps).
Blockhouses have very bad reputations in countries where legislation has been slow to cultivate the development of collective responsibility for the property.
The Art of War: Deleuze, Guattari, Debord and The Israeli Defence Force (2006) Eyal Weizman. / Video explaining his latest book “Roundabout Revolution” ARCH+ features 23: Eyal Weizman.
The IDF’s [Israeli Defence Force] strategy of ‘walking through walls’ involves a conception of the city as not just the site but also the very medium of warfare – a flexible, almost liquid medium that is forever contingent and in flux.
Indeed, the reading lists of contemporary military institutions include works from around 1968 (with a special emphasis on the writings of Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari and Guy Debord), as well as more contemporary writings on urbanism, psychology, cybernetics, post-colonial and post-Structuralist theory. If, as some writers claim,the space for criticality has withered away in late 20th-century capitalist culture, it seems now to have found a place to flourish in the military.
“operational architects”.’[The IDF troops define themselves as]
In addition to these theoretical positions, [Shimon] Naveh references such canonical elements of urban theory as the Situationist practices of dérive (a method of drifting through a city based on what the Situationists referred to as‘psycho-geography’) and détournement (the adaptation of abandoned buildings for purposes other than those they were designed to perform). These ideas were, of course, conceived by Guy Debord and other members of the Situationist International to challenge the built hierarchy of the capitalist city and break down distinctions between private and public, inside and outside, use and function, replacing private space with a ‘borderless’ public surface. References to the work of Georges Bataille, either directly or as cited in the writings of [Bernard] Tschumi, also speak of a desire to attack architecture and to dismantle the rigid rationalism of a postwar order, to escape ‘the architectural straitjacket’ and to liberate repressed human desires
In no uncertain terms, education in the humanities – often believed to be the most powerful weapon against imperialism – is being appropriated as a powerful vehicle for imperialism.
Future military attacks on urban terrain will increasingly be dedicated to the use of technologies developed for the purpose of ‘un-walling the wall’, to borrow a term from Gordon Matta-Clark.
When the military talks theory to itself, it seems to be about changing its organizational structure and hierarchies.When it invokes theory in communications with the public – in lectures, broadcasts and publications – it seems to be about projecting an image of a civilized and sophisticated military. And when the military ‘talks’ (as every military does) to the enemy, theory could be understood as a particularly intimidating weapon of ‘shock and awe’, the message being: ‘You will never even understand that which kills you.’
Tahrir: Politics, Publics and Performances of Space (2013) Derek Gregory from the Department of Geography in the University of British Columbia. On the arab-spring (and Butler).
One survey found that nearly 50 percent of people in its sample first heard about the demonstrations in Tahrir through face-to-face communication, 28 percent via Facebook and 13 percent via their mobile phone.
The emphasis on physical space was clearly visible in leaflets circulating in Cairo that showed approach routes, crowd formations and tactics to be used in public demonstrations: as one observer remarked, ‘you can switch off the Internet but not the streets.’ In fact, leaflets urged recipients not to circulate the plans through Twitter or Facebook because they were being monitored by state security and, in several instances, digital platforms were deliberately used to mislead the security forces.
Nasser Rabbat argues more generally that, as authoritarian rule was consolidated in the second half of the twentieth century, ‘public life in Arab cities retreated from the open spaces to the private ones,’ so much so, indeed, that Hussam Hussein Salama suggests that for many Egyptians during those decades, ‘public space’ came to be synonymous with ‘the space that is owned by the government.’ The square, at the heart of modern, downtown Cairo, had been the site of demonstrations since February 1946, when protesters rallied in what was then called Ismailia Square to demand the withdrawal of British troops from Egypt and the Sudan.
Mohamed Elshahed provides an illuminating vignette that illustrates the spatial politics practiced by the state in Tahrir. When the plaza in front of the former Egyptian Museum was fenced off many people thought this was part of the construction for the new Cairo Metro. More than a decade later a sign was put up announcing the excavation of a new underground parking garage. Yet when activists dismantled the fencing in January 2011 they found nothing but an empty space. ‘The area had been taken away from the public sphere precisely to avoid the possibility of large crowds congregating in Tahrir.’
Others, also following in some part Lefebvre, prefer to elucidate spatial practices, including the rhythms and routines that compose everyday life for a myriad of ordinary people in Cairo, residents and visitors, as they moved into, around and out of Tahrir. But to emphasize the performance of space—in the sense that I want to invoke here—is to focus on the ways in which, as Judith Butler put it in direct reference to Tahrir, ‘the collective actions [of the crowd] collect the space itself, gather the pavement, and animate and organize the architecture.’
[…] Lefebvre’s celebration of the ‘festivals’ that he believed distinguished the counter-cultural realm of ‘spaces of representation’ and their defiant re-placing of bodies-in-spaces.24 His formulations were, inevitably, creatures of their time—and in particular the moment and movements of May 1968 in Europe and the United States—but they capture the sense of experimentation, of improvisation and of fluidity that also characterised the Arab uprisings. If those newer, non-Western protests heralded a world in which all that was solid melted into air, however, this was more than a new politics of modernity; it was also a new politics of space, and I think this is captured with artful economy in Adam Ramadan’s (re)description of Tahrir as an encampment, turning it into at once a space and an act: a space-in-process.
May Al-Ibrashy intimated something of this when she wrote of Tahrir on February 9, 2011 that there ‘permanence is folded into waves of change. The cityscape is no longer . . . an open space framed by buildings, but a constantly morphing place shaped by people doing, hoping, building, destroying and being’—or, more accurately, I believe, becoming. As Nasser Abourahme and May Jayyusi wrote in exuberant endorsement, ‘Tahrir Square was the space of the constitution of new collective subjectivities … There was a kind of “becoming” here … ’
Tahrir became the instantiation of what Doreen Massey once called ‘a global sense of place,’ an intricate and intrinsically mobile constellation of the local and the global.28 In Butler’s terms, this new spatiality became ‘transposable,’ which is to say that its performance was at once immediate and mediated. The conjunction of social media and satellite television ensured that what took place (literally so) in Tahrir was relayed around the world.
Jason Hribal on Which Side -podcast (2016) fighting for animals as a part of the working class and making very provocative evaluations touching the Black Lives Matter movement: “Animals have a voice through resisting. […] I want people to be angry and not feel pity for animals. […] Movements require a lot of energy […] Poverty transcends race“.
Workers of the World, Conform (2017) writes Nader Vossoughian for Triplecanopy. The well written text accounts the motivations behind seemingly innocent standards (such as A4) and how standardization helps to establish world orders.
With the increase in the number of workers who dealt primarily in knowledge and its material expressions, the techniques underlying mass production came to be applied to office work. This shift had a moral dimension, as standardization was associated with orderly and democratic societies, transparent and punctilious characters. [Wilhelm] Ostwald went so far as to suggest that Kant’s categorical imperative be replaced by the “energetic imperative.” He believed that all moral judgments were inextricably linked to the question of efficiency: Actions that minimize waste are good, those that unnecessarily cause waste are bad.
Ostwald and his cohort were galvanized by the development of the second law of thermodynamics, which states that entropy increases in any isolated system. The law gave credence to the notion that workplace efficiency represents a scientific and not just a moral or economic imperative.
To minimize waste, Ostwald advocated the use of universal auxiliary languages such as Ido, a simplified form of Esperanto (which was billed as “everybody’s second language”), and the invention of a global currency. But his focus shifted after the advertiser and bibliographer K.W. Bührer gave him a copy of Die Organisierung der geistigen Arbeit durch “Die Brücke” (The Organization of Intellectual Work through “The Bridge”) (1911) […] The book argues that the creation of universal systems for recording and circulating information hinges on the worldwide adoption of standards for the formatting of paper. By eliminating the need to consider paper sizes, fonts, layouts, margin sizes, and so on, standards would free postal workers, scholars, and bank clerks from the burdens of information management.
[…] Die Brücke lobbied for the imposition of uniformity on sheets of paper—which, in their various dimensions, cluttered desks, spilled from folders, and distorted image reproductions. “Paper and other bearers of signs and symbols form the technical foundation of all cultures, that is, of all intellectual capital [geistigen Kapitals],” Ostwald wrote in his 1927 autobiography.
[…] Porstmann ended up going to work for the German Institute for Standardization. He modified Die Brücke’s proposal, which became the standard DIN 476, published in 1922. The paper formats are now in use by all countries except the United States and Canada. (The vast majority of printed matter appears on A4 sheets of paper, which measure 210 by 297 millimeters.) They are essential to the infrastructure of the Information Age and permeate the modern office, having shaped binders, filing cabinets, envelopes, scanners, printers, as well as programs like Adobe Acrobat and the documents they generate. […] With the right technical adjustments and systems, society can not only be salvaged but liberated.
Following the implementation of DIN 476, which consists of multiple “series” and “classes” of paper sizes, the German Institute for Standardization developed specifications for bank statements, envelopes, address fields, postcards, train tickets, binders, newspapers, business letters, margins, subject headings, and mail-sorting machinery.
With the rise of Hitler, the mandate for orderliness and efficiency was intensified, and took on an overtly sinister aspect. Standardization was associated not only with discipline but with the enhancement of surveillance. The Nazis initially required party communications to conform to DIN 476, and ultimately outlawed the use anything but A4 paper in official correspondences. […] School notebooks and other educational materials had to assume a single format, as did driver’s licenses. This attention to communication was matched in the construction industry, which the Nazis standardized and consolidated in order to quickly rearm and achieve economic independence, as well as to manage the mass of slave laborers who made this possible.
[…] Paper formats supplied the basis for the standardization of bricks, buildings, and all the furniture and fixtures in buildings; prefabricated timber components and the dimensions of sidewalks and land lots; pallets, shipping containers, and the vehicles that convey them.
The kind of employment—or, typically, self-employment—described by [Maurizio] Lazzarato requires adeptness with “cybernetics and computer control” and ends up shaping “cultural and artistic standards, fashions, tastes, consumer norms, and, more strategically, public opinion.”
The work that we now associate with twenty-first-century capitalism also belongs to Ford’s assembly line and Weimar’s paper pushers, and even catalyzed those approaches to the organization of labor and the management of information. (Without the ability to mine rare metals and transport them across the world, there would be no global communications infrastructure, and so there would be no digital economy.)
As Keller Easterling argues in Extrastatecraft(2014), standardization should be the crux of discussions about the ways in which work is performed and regulated, because it enables governance to be accomplished by other means. Easterling pays particular attention to the International Organization for Standardization (ISO), a private and putatively apolitical association that emerged from the campaigns of engineers and industrialists after World War II.
While we recognize how the assembly line molded contemporary factories and those who labor in them, we hardly understand how A4 paper molded contemporary buildings and those who construct them.
[Andrew] Russell scrutinizes the “system builders” who create the infrastructure on which we rely, and who are “always engaged in ideological and discursive work, not merely technical work.”
Russell finds that new technologies do not necessarily drive social change; rather, they express and advance cultural and political values. The way that we labor—under the impression of autonomy but the conditions of the proletariat—is connected to the movement toward standardization led by engineers beginning in the late 1800s.
Assisted in the video documentation of Mihail Kaluzhski’s Like it, Fake it play (or demo) at gallery Augusta. The event was a part of URB festival programme and produced by Alkovi gallery (Miina Hujala & Arttu Merimaa). The best part of the event was to see Henna Tanskanen perform.
Ima Iduozee talks about radical dreaming, afrofuturism and dance on the Ruskeat tytöt blog. He focuses about the experience of alienation and presents social hacking as a tool for integration. The portrayal of hacking as integration is clever.. Perhaps social hacking would offer a more effective framework for developing cohabitation skills in general. Integration policies currently expect people to transform themselves into Finns. The hacking approach would allow them to stay as they are, while making the system work for them. He credits his time in the military as an eye opener: The uniform alienates (from a personal body) and grants access (to a general body). This aspect of the military would be very interesting to explore. Iduozee is hosting courses at Zodiak in the Autumn and I’m tempted to enroll.
But.. I wont have the time. My autumn is going to be very intensive. I’ll be leaving for Brussels in a month, stay there for two weeks and three days after returning perform in NPTurku festival. After Turku I’ll work as a workshop host for youth in Hyvinkää while working edit +20 hours of video material of the Mounted Police force of Helsinki and preparing for a show in Vuosaari with Vili Mustalampi. I’ve reached the point where I’d benefit from an assistant (and even afford to pay them).
Ruskeat tytöt blog has interesting new entries. Afrosuomen historiaa etsimässä (“In search for the history of Afro-Finland”) podcast investigates the history of Finnish colonialism and racism. Maija Baijukya demonstrates how Finnish colonialism begun early 1600. This is evident through figures like Clas Fleming and Hendrik Carloff. Finns were also present in the Belgian Congo starting from 1890 onwards (See Kongon Akseli for details) and in Namibia. The topic is very important but I think shes cutting corners. She makes a striking claims that the Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Mission in Namibian helped to support Nazi eugenic experiments.
Interesting experiment with mG2! Made a piano roll in Logic X which triggered samples (through midi) that I chopped from an interview of my grandfather. mG2 can play 6 samples per bank but it accepts program changes to access new sample banks (I think it can have over 60 banks). I wrote program change messages in the piano roll so I could access all of the interview samples through Logic X. I could experiment chopping an interview into samples (which I would keep in the synth) and edit the interview using some kind of (partially automated) drum system. Instead of editing an interview this approach would synthesize the voice of a person. As discussed with Pietari editing an interview can be approached as some kind of narrative-granular-synthesis.
Succeeded in building an almost functional midi clock sync between Automatonism and external midi gear!
A new episode of Somewhere I’ve Never Been by Steph Kretowicz & Kimmo Modig is available on Mixcloud. Apparently they are publishing each episode through a different channel. I guess it’s fitting to the theme of the book. I’ve enjoyed the episodes so far and I think they should translate it into Finnish and sell it to Yle. The Ableton Live automations on Kretowicz’s voice could be easily used for an actor speaking Finnish. Sari TM Kivinen would have the perfect accent.
All of the episodes of Pietari’s podcast series Pietari K. kävi täällä for Yle are now online. The episode on Kalle Päätalo as a cyborg is particularly fun. Lawrence Lek’s Sinofuturism (2016) is mentioned.
Returning soulfully to Soundcloud with a mG2 fuelled moods.
A long and interesting article about artist Mari Keski-Korsu Finding ‘skinship’ with trees (2017) from we-make-money-not-art.com. Some of her recent animal related works are mentioned.
Should America’s Tech Giants Be Broken Up? asks Bloomberg mag (Long story short: Yes. Economy stagnates when tech companies develop into monopolies which fail to circulate their profits).
Found an interview in Elavä arkisto about my grandfather’s Göstä Lindholm’s PhD dissertation (He also has a Wikipedia page which I didn’t know about). Apparently he studied how personal preferences and the formal layouts of questionnaires affect surveys results. He used telepathy experiments as his material and proved that some symbols in Zener cards are more liked then others.
He also suggest that there are some biological rules in play when we make decisions. Judging from the interview he comes of as a semi-postmodern thinker who is confused about the result of his study and turns to biology to patch his world views. My mother disliked his thinking and believed him to be a nazi.
I always thought my belief that technological structures define the limits of our imagination (and responses) echoed my mother’s Marxist worldviews. But it seems that some of her favorite arguments on “how capitalist have rigged the game” are rooted on her father’s research.
I chopped the interview into samples I can play with my mG2. It would be poetic to get the Bastl GRANDPA (the pimped up eurorack version of mG2, available as a DIY kit) and have it play the samples through some sort of self generating modular patch (Krell?). A simple fake artificial intelligence of sorts.. An artificial idiot (vähä-äly kone) as specified by Otto Karvonen. Perhaps I can test the idea using Automatonism/pd. Es-ow Diato’s Kandiadiou on My Mind is online. I helped in the production (cam. / edit). Found a promising article on Granular synthesis on audio file with Pure data.
Es-ow Diato’s Kandiadiou on My Mind is online. I assisted in the production (cam. / edit).
For a dog, it is itself and a human is like a dog. #ॐ
Meeting with the Neighborizome working group at Lauttasaari. Brought my microGranny sampler with me. Soundscapes as intertwining rhizomes for different ideologies? Blaah… A granular sampler seems like the best tool to investigate this. Catching up on the rhrizome-thinking with Deleuze for the Desperate lectures by Dave Harris (as recommend by Leena).
Selected 36 samples from the SOW: Blacksmith sound pack which I think are fitted for granular synthesis using the microGranny 2 (Found a good guide for mG2 sample workflow on Muff Wiggler. Also discovered a decent macOS utility NameChanger). I plan to prepare a horse sound selection which I can use as an acoustic element during Trans-Horse lectures (as seen in Pori 2014). Made a some small updates the SOW site.
Edits with FCPX are progressing slowly. Navigating between the viewer and timeline using keyboard shortcuts makes me feel like a pro.
Managed to build a working microGranny 2.5 unit. Messed up a connection ribbon but other then that the build went decently. I got the midi working (with a Novation Circuit) but I don’t have a usb-to-midi dongle so I can’t test the units midi CC parameter changes (I trust it’s ok). The midi-clock synced “RANDOM SHIFT” for grain playback direction is great! The unit came preloaded with Slavoj Žižek samples, which the unit can run as automated drum-like stutter. Unfortunately the file menu browser is slow and sometimes the faders behave oddly. Judging from the forums this is because the unit is based on an Arduino. It’s rather noisy too but I like it a lot.
Working on my first proper FCPX project. Added keywords to clips and marked favorites/rejects. Learning keyboard shortcuts and how to sync video to external audio. Tomorrow I’ll add the clips to the timeline.
– Would you like to be a doctor or an artist when you grow up?
– I want to be an antelope.